By Jeremy Boissevain, Tom Selwyn
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Additional info for Contesting the Foreshore: Tourism, Society and Politics on the Coast (Amsterdam University Press - MARE Publication Series)
The ingredients of balearisation and its associated consequences, then, included the disruption of local agricultural economies. The extent and nature of this disruption needs to be the subject of prolonged, detailed, local research. Sivri (op. ) reports, for example, that some inland villages and towns in Thasos avoided the depopulation experienced by many. Some have retained a mixed economy, including both tourism and agriculture. Such examples notwithstanding, however, it seems more or less safe to make the generalisation that the polyculture, mixed agriculture, characteristic of the historical Mediterranean has, to a considerable extent, been replaced by the monocrop of coastal tourism.
Allied to such movements, systems of patronage are also breaking down (except perhaps in cases of competitive religious or nationalist movements and/or in cases of foreign patrons supporting some kinds of buildings and activities to curry favour in scrambles for political influence). The new cultural landscape of the Mediterranean is one shaped by the increasing emancipation of the individual from such overarching social structures as family, communal city quarter, estate, constituency of patron, and so on.
Who owns the space on which hunting takes place? Who should own it? And so on. These are precisely the issues in relation to historical monuments and even whole towns (such as Mdina) that have been taken over, to a greater or lesser extent, by tourists and tourist authorities. Once again the question concerns the control and organization of space, including sites of national and international scientific significance. Façadism, Internet-ism, Museumization, Experience-ification Processes stimulated by the tourist industry which Boissevain and Theuma (1998) describe as the movement from utilitarian space to ‘Heritage’ take several forms.