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By Sarah-Jane Leslie (auth.), Robert J. Stainton, Christopher Viger (eds.)

Are typical languages certainly compositional? What roles does context play in linguistic communique, and via what potential? specifically, does context intervene with the compositional selection of fact stipulations? What meanings may still theorists assign to sentences if compositionality is to be retained? those are the principal questions of this significant quantity of latest philosophical essays in honour of Ernie Lepore.

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Extra info for Compositionality, Context and Semantic Values: Essays in Honour of Ernie Lepore

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J. (1994b). The principle of semantic compositionality. Topoi, 13,11–24. Von Fintel, K. (1992). Exceptive conditionals: The meaning of ‘Unless’. Proceedings of the North East Linguistics Society, 22, 135–151. Von Fintel, K. (1994). Restrictions on Quantifier Domains. D. Thesis, University of Massachusetts, Amherst. Von Fintel, K. (1998). Quantifiers and if-clauses. The Philosophical Quarterly, 48(191), 209–214. Von Fintel, K. & Iatridou, S. If and when if-clauses can restrict quantifiers. Paper for the Workshop in Philosophy and Linguistics, University of Michigan.

If we suppose further that, sometimes, the subject 9 I am assuming here that ‘usually’ can be understood as ‘most’, and so am setting aside any additional normative or otherwise modal import ‘usually’ may possess; nothing will hang on this simplifying assumption. -J. Leslie matter is simply too hard for John, and despite his best efforts, he does not succeed, then (14) remains intuitively true. Once again, however, von Fintel’s semantics predicts that the statement will be false. I shall not go through the details again, but my reader may convince herself that this is so by taking the set S to be the set of situations in which John works hard, and the subject is not too difficult for him.

So the situations in which he does bribe his teacher are generally ones in which they goof off. e. of the situations in which he refrains from bribing his teacher. However, as we have described the example, most of the situations in which John does decide to bribe his teacher are ones in which John succeeds, so it is true that: Most [C – S] [{s: John succeeds in s}] Once again, the uniqueness clause is not satisfied, and so we would predict that “John usually succeeds unless they goof off” would be false as described.

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