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Relics, histories, memories suffuse human experi- 38 Approaches to Landscape ence. Each particular trace of the past ultimately perishes, but collectively they are immortal. Whether it is celebrated or rejected, attended to or ignored, the past is omnipresent. (1985 p. xv) Schama, in his study of Landscape and Memory, wrote that: it is clear that inherited landscape myths and memories share two common characteristics: their surprising endurance through the centuries and their power to shape institutions that we still live with.

He taught briefly at Bradford Technical College and became an assistant lecturer in commerce at University College, Leicester, in 1931. During the 1939--45 war he served in the Board of Trade, and in 1947 he founded the Department of English Local History at Leicester; later after an unfulfilling appointment as a reader in economic history at Oxford University from 1951 to 1965 he returned to Leicester, now a chartered university, as Hatton professor. Hoskins, through his The Making of the English Landscape, which was published in 1955, demonstrated to a broad readership that the history of places could be a valid and rewarding field of study.

What type of landscape do the Anglo-British identify with? Answers to these questions lead us to another paradox of this curious nationalism. The pioneer of industrialization and the most urbanized country in the world is idealized in rural terms: thatched cottages around a village green is the archetypal English scene. Such anti-urban images are themselves quite common in the national landscapes of peoples. The difference for the English is that they are not featured in their own landscape. (1991 p.

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