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Stilicho hingegen führt einen legitimen Krieg, den er vorher vom Senat hat genehmigen lassen: non ante fretis exercitus astitit ultor / ordine quam prisco censeret bella senatus (Stil. ). Gegenüber dieser ausgefeilten und von der Tradition sanktionierten Rechtlichkeit, der Honorius’ Heermeister sich fügt, erscheint der thebanische Mythos von den einander bekriegenden Sparten primitiv: Er gehört einer Epoche an, die im ausgehenden vierten Jahrhundert längst überwunden ist, wie Claudian selbst es im Bellum Gildonicum den älteren Theodosius formulieren lässt: ne consanguineis certetur comminus armis, / ne, precor.

Gild. 37; Stil. 1,111 (Getae); OlProb 259; III Cons. Hon. 123 (Eridanus); IV Cons. Hon. 508 (Res Pandioniae). Vgl. C. Schindler, Tradition-Transformation-Innovation. -W. Ehlers, F. Felgentreu, S. ), Aetas Claudianea, München – Leipzig 2004, 16 – 37, 21. Pagane Mythen – christliche Herrscher 23 Angaben Hinweise auf ein mythisches Ereignis, um diesen Ort zu lokalisieren. So wird das ‚Ende der Welt‘ in der Invektive gegen Rufin unter Verweis auf die odysseische Nekyia bestimmt: Fern im äußersten Gallien, am Rande des Ozeans, gebe es einen Ort, wo Odysseus nach der Überlieferung mit einem Blutopfer das Volk der Toten beschworen habe: ubi fertur Ulixes / sanguine libato populum movisse silentem (Ruf.

33), 763.  Zu der gesamten Stelle ausführlich C. Schindler, Claudians Argonautica. Zur Darstellung und Funktion des Mythos zu Beginn des Epos De bello Getico (1– 35), in: A. Harder, M. ), Beginning from Apollo. Studies in Apollonius Rhodius and the Argonautic Tradition, Leuven – Paris – Dudley, MA 2005, 107– 123.  Vgl. I. Variazioni claudianee sul tema della nave Argo (Bell. Get. 1– 35), in: L. Castagna, Ch. ), Amicitiae templa serena: Studi in onore di Giuseppe Aricáo, Bd. 1, Mailand 2008, 753 – 776, 755.

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